MOLLY WALLACE – In a 2015 article for the journal Mobilization, Erica Chenoweth and Kurt Schock examined all nonviolent campaigns from 1900-2006 with radical (i.e. maximalistâ€) goals â€” such as the â€œremoval of an incumbent national government, self-determination, secession, or the expulsion of foreign occupationâ€ â€” to see how the presence or absence of armed resistance affected the success of these nonviolent campaigns. Their findings offer compelling evidence that violence is not generally a helpful addition to nonviolent resistance movements. How did they arrive at this conclusion? And what lessons do we learn by adhering to this understanding?
CHRIS HEDGES – The encampments by Native Americans at Standing Rock, N.D., from April 2016 to February 2017 to block construction of the Dakota Access pipeline provided the template for future resistance movements. The action was nonviolent. It was sustained. It was highly organized. It was grounded in spiritual, intellectual and communal traditions. And it lit the conscience of the nation.
KAZU HAGA – Nazism and white supremacy are forms of violence. Letâ€™s start there. The constitution does not protect violence, and Iâ€™m happy to see that the California chapter of the ACLU has taken a stand against protecting the â€œfree speechâ€ of hate groups. But with or without marching permits, it is clear that public displays of hatred are a growing trend in the United States. And as much as I donâ€™t want to give these groups more attention, it is also clear that simply ignoring them is not going to make them go away. So what do we do?